The ballots have been finalised, offering a clear picture of who may represent citizens in the next House of Representatives. For the first time, 19 electoral combinations and a record total of 753 candidates are vying for the 56 seats in parliament. New parties and independent candidates are making their debut, reshaping electoral contests as traditionally known.
Where are women in all this? According to figures announced by the chief returning officer, out of the 753 candidacies filed, only 224, or 29.7%, are women. Women are already leading political parties, with Annita Demetriou heading DISY since 2023. In 2024, Andromachi Sofokleous was elected co‑president of Volt Cyprus, while the same year Tselestina De Petro founded and now leads the party Far‑Left Resistance – Communism. What is particularly noteworthy, however, is how many women each party has chosen to include on its ballots in each district.
Full ballots
Of the 19 parties, only 11 managed to submit full ballots in all districts. The highest percentage of women was recorded by the Green Party with 42.9%, followed by ALMA with 41.1%. AKEL and Volt Cyprus ballots consist of 37.5% women.
Parties with female representation below 30% include DIPA (28.6%), DIKO (26.8%), EDEK and ELAM (25%) and DISY (21.4%). The lowest figures were recorded by Direct Democracy (17.9%) and the Movement of Organised Hunters (16.1%).
Seven combinations did not fill all available ballot positions, mainly newer parties, but female participation remains visible. Across all districts, the highest percentage of women candidates is found in the Lakedaimonioi party, at 45.5%, while the lowest is in the Green Party at 21.4%. The party Far‑Left Resistance – Communism has only one female candidate, while among nine independent candidates only one is a woman, running in Nicosia.
The importance of women’s participation
Although female participation on ballots has increased over the years, it remains relatively low. What matters, however, is not just the numbers, as many ballots are large and gender alone is not the determining factor. Assistant professor at the University of Cyprus, Nagia Kameni, spoke to Politis about the significance of women’s presence on ballots and what their participation represents.
Has the inclusion of women in politics improved?
“It is useful to distinguish between women’s presence on ballots and their meaningful and equal participation in politics. While we see more women candidates compared to the past, this does not automatically mean their voice has been strengthened to the degree it should be. Few women hold leadership positions within parties. For me, substantive participation is not limited to numerical representation either on ballots or in parliament. If decisions within a party are ultimately determined by male leadership, we cannot speak of real empowerment of women in politics.”
Does this depend more on parties selecting candidates or on voters?
“It depends on whether women politicians are genuinely given the opportunity to express their views rather than simply following decisions made by male leaders or male‑dominated parliamentary groups.”
What percentage would be considered inclusive?
“There is extensive literature on the concept of critical mass, meaning the proportion of women required for meaningful participation. However, newer research shows that numbers alone do not guarantee equality. For example, a party could theoretically have 70% women MPs but still not promote gender equality. What is important is the ideological position of political actors, regardless of gender. While women politicians are more likely to advocate for rights affecting women, this is not guaranteed simply by gender.”
Is this trend more pronounced in these elections?
“We do see higher participation rates than in previous years. In some cases, however, the issue of women’s presence on ballots is instrumentalised. For example, ELAM claims it supports women’s rights but recognises them mainly in terms of traditional roles such as mother, wife and caregiver. This is evident in its opposition to abortion rights and selective approach to which women’s rights it recognises. This approach is described in academic literature as ‘femonationalism.’ Similar rhetoric has also appeared regarding LGBTQI+ rights, framed in a way that does not advance equality.”
How does this affect voters?
“Every citizen has the right to vote according to their criteria. However, we should not judge candidates solely based on gender but on their positions and views.”
Are women’s rights now more prominent in public debate?
“They are certainly discussed more than in the past, when the Cyprus issue dominated public discourse. However, increased discussion does not necessarily mean deeper understanding, which explains the strong polarisation we see today.”
Does inclusion of women influence public perception?
“There is a risk that it may negatively affect public discourse on gender and LGBTQI+ equality if used superficially. For instance, if parties gain female MPs, some may argue that they support women’s rights, without examining their actual positions. Biological characteristics do not define political views. It is positive to see more women on ballots, but what matters is their stance on equality and the space given to them within their parties to act.”
Do women generally lack interest in politics?
“Even if that were true – which I do not believe – we must ask why. Why would a woman want to enter a male‑dominated space where her role is often symbolic, used to create the impression of inclusion rather than genuine participation?”
